What Must Be Done to Achieve and Maintain Sub-Saharan African Unification, and the Role of Nigeria in Achieving this Milestone?

Togbah Push Wleh

Methodology and Case Studies

What Must Be Done to Achieve and Maintain Sub-Saharan African Unification, and the Role of Nigeria in Achieving this Milestone?

This paper is qualitative research that investigates contemporary African nationalism. It incorporates various research methods, such as observation, case study, content analysis, and interpretive approach, including discourse, framing, and narrative analysis, to answer the questions: 1) What does contemporary African nationalism mean or look like? 2) What experiences (past and present), and how does the reality of our interconnected, yet fragile and predatory global order necessitate it? 3) How can we conceptualize African experiences under information nationalism to create a new, unified cultural and national identity through a creation myth centered on “big brother, big sister” countries such as Nigeria? To access relevant sources and formulate a narrative, I conducted observations and analyze posts by Africans on social media, on the political, social, economic, and financial situations on the African continent. Analyzing these posts, I concluded that they fall into four types of nationalism: information (artificial intelligence or AI, digital, ideological); economic, cultural (language); and political nationalism. However, in this paper, I will focus only on information nationalism, as I believe that, in the present day, the success of all other types of nationalism rests on the sophistication and effectiveness of information nationalism. Also, since I believe digital and ideological nationalism can fall under information nationalism, I discuss them in detail. I conducted academic research and content analysis to draw conclusions that support my theory of African nationalism and the construction of a new, unified Sub-Saharan African nation centered on countries such as Nigeria. I will name this unified country in an upcoming paragraph. While many are calling for a continental unity, bringing all of the continent’s 54 countries into one political entity, I believe that this will not work due to Sub-Saharan political, cultural, ethnic, and even language differences with North Africa, which tends to propagate its Arab identity, while Sub-Saharan Africa holds strong to its Black identity, and connection with its diaspora. However, I want to make it clear that there are cultural, language, and even regional grievances among Sub-Saharan Africans.

The Information Space: The Main Arena of African Nationalism

What Must Be Done to Achieve and Maintain Sub-Saharan African Unification, and the Role of Nigeria in Achieving this Milestone?
 

Throughout human existence, historical forces such as economics, politics, religion, human movement (migration), and ideology (no matter how unappealing) have unified and divided people. On the one hand, these same forces have led men to commit unspeakable acts of violence against others, while on the other, they have provided victims and their heirs with a rallying cry for resistance. Therefore, one can argue that as humans, our intention and willingness to achieve defined objectives are deeply rooted in our historical experiences. I define history not as a “story of the past,” but as an evolving narrative, the continuation of time and the culmination of events that entertains an equal, yet equitable relationship with the past, the present, and the future. As scholars and proponents of sound discourse, we should endorse and vindicate the axiomatic notion that historical events do not always transpire by happenstance but by human calculation, driven by (as simplified in the secondary school curriculum on imperialism) economic, political, religious, exploratory, and ideological motives. Though the age of imperialism is long gone, these imperialist motives (even when excluding the notion of racial superiority) dictate domestic, national, regional, and even international relations today. Therefore, achieving or failing to achieve any or all these motives could ignite nationalistic fervor, in an empire or later among its subjects. Consequently, one can argue that, while they may have triggered imperialism, these motives also contributed to the waves of nationalism that spread worldwide following the second world war.
Dr. Gloria Y. A. Ayee defines nationalism as an inevitable expression of deep human bonds. It is the belief that the interests and values of a particular nation should be supreme, often above those of other nations. It is an ideology and political project that the nation should be politically sovereign, usually
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within its own state or border.1 In this case, nationalism, being an ideology, is a belief, thought, idea, principle, or value, whereas, as a political project, it is a planned work, activity, or course of action. In an article posted on the Heritage Foundation’s website titled “The Problem of Nationalism,” Kim R. Holmes quotes Rich Lowry’s definition of nationalism as people’s “natural devotion to their home and to their country.”2 But how does the concept of nationalism, as the professor defines it, apply to the reality of people whose home and country have not been created or defined? Also, what about people who, despite already being part of a social, cultural, and political entity, want to create something new? And where does the “creation myth” element that nationalism is also known for apply to Rich Lowry’s definition? Professor Holmes also emphasizes Yoram Hazony’s definition based on the idea that “…the world is governed best when nations agree to cultivate their own traditions, free from interference by other nations.” I wrote in one discussion post that “While both definitions echo two core sentiments of nationalism, I believe that they do not acknowledge that nationalism is not confined to a physical national location, a land entity, or people.”3 However, we must consider the “creation myth” element in every discussion of nationalism. In this case, nationalism should also mean “What was?” as in the past, “What is?” and per our current situation, and “what ought to be,” as we strive to redefine and promote ourselves and create a homeland, or a new reality altogether. This is the situation Africans face, and why many Pan-Africanists yearn for a completely free and independent Africa. In this case, my questions are: 1) What does contemporary African nationalism mean or look like? 2) What experiences (past and present), and how does the reality of our interconnected, yet fragile and predatory global order, necessitate it? 3) How can we conceptualize African nationalism within different forms of nationalism to create a new, unified cultural and national identity through a creation myth centered on “big brother, big sister” countries such
1 Ayee, Dr. Gloria. “What Is Nation? Theories and Typologies.” GOVT E-1117 Section 1. Lecture, 2026.
2 Holmes, Kim. “The Problem of Nationalism.” The Heritage Foundation. Accessed February 2, 2026.
3 Holmes, Kim. “The Problem of Nationalism.” The Heritage Foundation. Accessed February 2, 2026.
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as Nigeria? Contemporary African nationalism is rooted in the historical and contemporary experiences of African people, such as the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, the Arab Slave Trade of Eastern Africa, colonialism and imperialism, the contemporary civil unrest on the continent, and even our presence in the information space (especially on social media). African nationalism can be categorized into distinct types, such as information (artificial intelligence or AI, digital, ideological), cultural (language), economic, and political, and is manifested in the African presence in the information space (social media, digital, etc.) Yet, given the current reality of fragmentation, national and governmental incapacity, and the predatory nature of the global order, Africa is vulnerable to many domestic and global factors; therefore, it must unite to effectively address them. Unification of Sub-Saharan nations into one political entity can happen through the strengthening of information nationalism, constructing and promoting ideological narratives, and reorienting Africa toward nationalism through creation myth centered on “big brother, big sister” countries such as Nigeria. Nigeria is vital to African nationalism and the unification of Sub-Saharan Africa due to its symbolic position in African politics, the scale and sophistication of its population, and its contribution to packaging and disseminating African culture through its film (Nollywood) and music (Afrobeat) industries.
Stefan Messingschlager writes in his review of Eric Storm’s “Nationalism: A World History,” that,
…nationalism is neither innate nor inevitable; rather it is a socio-political construction emerging historically under specific conditions… nationalist identities is not linear but marked by discontinuities triggered by political upheavals and cultural transformations…nationalism must be viewed through a global lens, acknowledging distinct regional expressions and trajectories…nationalism historically undergoes profound transformations – from liberal and
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emancipatory beginnings through increasingly exclusionary and chauvinistic forms, culminating in contemporary identity-driven and neoliberal iterations.”4
While I agree with most of what Messingschlager writes, I disagree with the notion that “nationalism is neither innate nor inevitable.” We may not have been born with the idea of a nation-state or sovereignty in other domains. However, as humans, we are born with a need for freedom and independence, and as we grow, we become radicalized by the idea of sovereignty within our own space (information, artificial intelligence, or AI, digital, cultural, economic, and political). Hence, nationalism, an “ideology and political project,” as Dr. Ayee suggests, becomes ever more inevitable. In this paper, I use the term information nationalism’ as an umbrella term encompassing both digital and ideological nationalism. As a reminder, nationalism is an ideology and political project aimed at achieving political sovereignty, emphasizing that a country’s national interest is superior to all others. Therefore, if one is to apply this definitional concept to information nationalism, then it would mean achieving information sovereignty, the ownership, control, and dissemination of information (economic, financial, health, digital, military, qualitative, quantitative, etc.) by a sovereign government or state. This would also include the willingness and ability to prevent foreign entities’ interference within a domestic informational space. But in considering the above definition, does information nationalism mean only the control of information or the formation of a narrative, or does it also mean the control and ownership of the means (the media) by which information or a narrative is disseminated? Given the current state of global politics and the growing acceptance that information can be weaponized, perhaps the latter is much more relevant. Therefore, it is reasonable to assert that countries such as China, with its domestic social media space, are among the few independents of the West. Yet, while being independent from Western information control does not mean Western institutions will refrain from infiltrating the Chinese information space, it does mean that Western institutions and governments do not control or have authority over what information
4 Messingschlager, Stefan. “Book Review: Nationalism: A World History.” LSE United States Politics and Policy | Latest commentary and analysis on the United States from academic experts, August 3, 2025.
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the Chinese government allows, controls, or disseminates. But if information nationalism is really a thing and China is an independent country, then perhaps this demonstrates that Africa’s information space is not sovereign. Therefore, if nationalism should also mean “What was?,” “What is?” and “What ought to be,” as I suggest in the introduction, then the following questions are relevant.
Does the media and the control of information impact nationalism in countries and people’s perceptions of themselves and others? If so, how, and why? The answer is yes. The media and control of information do influence nationalistic sentiment within countries, shaping how people view themselves and how they are viewed domestically and internationally. This is evident in the depictions of Africa in Western media in the past, where all we saw was our own fault and not outside manipulation. As a young teenager going through puberty, I would see more naked African people, women, and girls on American TV in a day than I had seen all my life. I saw wars and starving babies, and images and clips of Africans appearing defeated in numerous ways. Yet, while Africans, like any other group of people, do experience misfortunes, growing up, I saw and heard a single story of African inability, deficiency, and “backwardness.” Nigerian author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie warns in one TED Talk about “The Danger of a Single Story.”5 How can media and information nationalism shape African consciousness for or against national, continental, and diasporic unity? Now, in terms of the questions “What was?” and “what is?,” it is evident that Africans do not control any media apparatus and therefore they are digital and information migrants, who, when pushed out of a space, become digital or information refugees. However, despite Africa not being a prominent owner of a social media hub, Africans from across the continent have a strong presence, with Sub-Saharan Africa leading dance challenges and other online trends that go viral. Yet in terms of the nationalistic messages, Africans are disorganized, but they often include images representing their national flag, the Pan-African flag, or would include words or phrases
5 Chimamanda Adichie: The Danger of a Single Story. TED, 2009.
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such as “Mama Africa.” But while investigative journalist David Hundeyin would often attend interviews where he would warn of the negative impacts global entity’s actions are having on Africa, the average Africans would troll anti-Africans forces, attacks imperialist entities, etc. Take, for example, messages from accounts such as @oceejekwam6829’s “Africa doesn’t need France, but Africa’s presidents are weak….”; @nyoposs-369.12’s “Africa Backward Summit,” in reference to the recent France Africa Summit, also known as the Africa Forward Summit 2026, etc. But supposing a mass protest occurs in Africa that is organized and radical enough, with the goal of doing away with the West and foreign institutions in Africa, there is a possibility of outside institutions infiltrating the African space with anti-unification, anti-government information. This was evident during the late 2025 and early 2026 protests in Iran, when Starlink systems were used to connect agitators to engage in anti-government protests aimed at bringing down the Iranian government. That saturation of contradictory narrative is what Africans must prevent. Perhaps we could lose on this front if Namibia, South Africa, and other African countries allow Starlink to establish itself there.6 Africans must be extremely cautious, especially given Elon Musk’s continuous display of racist and anti-blackness ideology.
Since the beginning of the current Russo-Ukrainian war, Russia and the United States have been engaging in information warfare and saturating the global information space with their propaganda to garner support. One YouTube channel, Africa Stream, was deplatformed at the behest of United States Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who accused them of being Russian “Covert.” Africa Stream is said to have shared several characteristics with previous covert Russian social media influence operations that were outsourced to individuals with “regional expertise.”7 However, Africa Stream had gained traction, with tens of thousands of subscribers, and was one of the alternative media platforms that provided
6 “Musk’s Starlink Denied Telecoms Licence in Namibia | Reuters.” Reuters, March 23, 2026.
7 Grossman, Shelby, and David Thiel. “African Stream: Russia’s Latest Covert Influence Pipeline Targeting Africa.” FSI, September 17, 2024.
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contrary views of the war in Ukraine. African governments refused to criticize Russia despite U.S. pressure, and this was admired by many African influencers. The war in Ukraine and even in the Middle East currently shows that Africa either lacks a narrative or an independent means to push it. Therefore, in considering nationalism, the idea that African nationalism must also be “What ought to be?” is that Africa must create an information or digital space that is completely independent of external influence. Mihelj and Jiménez‐Martínez stress that digital media and social networking platforms fragment public debates, introduce biased algorithms, disrespect alternative viewpoints, promote selective views, and tolerate “exclusionary nationalist rhetoric and hate speech more generally, as well as proclivity to extremism.”8 Africa and Africans continue to fall victim to this.
In many cases, the elites, and the owners of these information platforms themselves are participating in the trolling and extremism. Current U.S. President, Donald Trump, and Elon Musk are active participants. Harwell Drew sheds light on the consequences of Elon Musk’s purchase of Twitter, in the form of racism and the resurfacing or even rise in racist tweets. Since the purchase, there have been jubilations on the platform by many accounts, including anonymous accounts, directing racist insults at Blacks, Jews, and other minority groups. With the promise of restoring free speech, Musk’s takeover of Twitter and the unbanning of extreme figures have generated concerns from several individuals, groups, and institutions. Drew et al. write, “The Network Contagion Research Institute (NCRI), a group that analyzes hundreds of millions of messages across social media, said use of the n-word on the app spiked nearly 500 percent over the 12 hours after Musk’s deal was finalized.”9 Marianna Spring exposes the dangers of Elon Musk’s ownership of Twitter, where trolling is welcomed and presented as a fun activity, with individuals, including Musk’s supporters, attacking those who point out the waves of radicalism on
8 Mihelj, Sabina, and César Jiménez‐Martínez. “Digital Nationalism: Understanding the Role of Digital Media in the Rise of ‘New’ Nationalism.” Nations and Nationalism 27, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 331–46.
9 Drew Harwell, Drew, Taylor Lorenz, and Cat Zakrzewski. “Racist Tweets Quickly Surface after Musk Closes Twitter Deal.” Washington Post, October 28, 2022.
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the platform and seek to hold Musk accountable. Musk once tweets, “True, have to admit trolls are kinda fun.” The accounts presented by Drew et al. and Spring not only indicate that Elon Musk welcomes and protects racist comments, antagonistic behavior, and violent images occurring on his platform, but he indeed participates in it, posting celebratory tweets, and playfully jubilant that he is now the protector of the trolls and the act of trolling.10 While it is bad enough to be trolled on a social media platform, being a group of people or country without control over an independent information space could be worse, as it could lead to bullying by foreign institutions.
Recently, there was a spat between Facebook Meta and Nigeria. The Nigerian authority fined Facebook $290 million for data breaches, prompting the company to threaten to leave Nigeria. Two important things to consider here, which illustrate the fragmenting of public debates, introduction of biased algorithms, disrespecting of alternative viewpoints, promoting selective views, and tolerance of “exclusionary nationalist rhetoric and hate speech more generally, as well as proclivity to extremism”11 which Mihelj and Jiménez‐Martínez mentioned above. 1) It demonstrates that a company, especially a foreign institution, is powerful enough to challenge a country, especially one as large as Nigeria, with about 225 to 242 million people, depending on the source, 2) Nigeria does not own or control a vital communication space which is detrimental to national security, and that Facebook could dictate terms and even force the country to make concessions. This would then prove that Nigeria, like smaller and weaker African countries, is not sovereign in its information space. Now, a key point to note is that Nigeria is Facebook’s 10th-largest market. As of May 2024, about 51.2 million Nigerians use Facebook, 12.6 million use Instagram, and, as of November 2023, 51 million use WhatsApp,12 the most favored in Africa.
10 Spring, Marianna. “How Elon Musk’s Tweets Unleashed a Wave of Hate.” BBC News, March 20, 2023.
11 Mihelj, Sabina, and César Jiménez‐Martínez. “Digital Nationalism: Understanding the Role of Digital Media in the Rise of ‘New’ Nationalism.” Nations and Nationalism 27, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 331–46.
12 Dosunmu, Damilare. “What Meta’s Dispute in Nigeria Means for Its Millions of Users.” Rest of World, May 7, 2025.
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Damilare Dosunmu stresses that Facebook’s income from the Nigerian market is small, which makes paying a $290 million fine much more burdensome; as a result, leaving the country could be the best decision. But then why did Facebook leave the Chinese market of 660 million Internet users, which Mark Zuckerberg thought was worth the trouble with regulators?13 I will visit this in the coming paragraph. Statista reports that the number of African social media users increased to 384 million in 2022. Given that the current African population is about 1,576,945,305 billion people14 and much younger than the global average, I would say this number of social media users is insignificant. Perhaps this is the result of the cost of internet data, where people cannot afford to spend their entire day surfing the internet. Hypothetically, if Facebook leaves Nigeria, what implications or consequences could that have, and what is important to note? 1) It would put the company in a dominant position and serve as a message to any African government or country that dares hold it accountable. 2) Facebook Meta is a leading communication platform in Nigeria and Africa; therefore, leaving would impact the country and continent negatively. This would hinder communication across various sectors, such as banking and people-to-people communication. It would also probably be worse for the ordinary people who would have to return to purchasing calling cards to maintain international communication with family members abroad, as well as domestic African connections through the internet.
Marie Lamensch writes that “Digital nationalism is an expression of pride in the country first.”15 Ironically, this echoes Trump’s “America First” rhetoric. “Digital nationalism refers to the use of digital technologies and online platforms to promote national identity, culture, and interests. It encompasses the
13 “Journey to the East: Why Facebook Won’t Make It in China.” Council on Foreign Relations, April 5, 2016.
14 “Africa Population (1950-2026).” Worldometer. Accessed April 20, 2026.
15 Lamensch, Marie. “As Technology Evolves, So Does the Nature of Nationalism.” Centre for International Governance Innovation, September 27, 2021.
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ways in which individuals and groups leverage the internet and social media to express national sentiments, mobilize support, and engage in political discourse related to national issues.”16 Digital media is an “…on-demand mass communication distributed digitally, typically through the internet… can include, but are not limited to, blogs, wikis, online newspapers, video games, podcasts, and social media.”17 Authors Mihelj Sabina and César Jiménez‐Martínez argue that “digital technologies reproduce our sense of belonging to a world of nations” in three ways: “…the architecture of internet domains, the bias of algorithms and the formation of national digital ecosystems.” Yet, it provides opportunities for those whose voices had been limited to participate in the digital space. In the national sense, however, digital nationalism can manifest in ways that prioritize national security and information control, shaping and protecting national identity and sovereignty through government action. This has prompted governments worldwide to create domestic spaces that promote their national identity, culture, and other factors, as seen with .uk for the United Kingdom, .cn for China, .cl for Chile, and .tr for Türkiye. The need to build independent digital media and commerce structures led to the creation of Chinese platforms such as Weibo, WeChat, Tencent QQ, Alibaba, and Taobao. By controlling domestic information and the digital space, the Chinese government can filter and censor content it deems anti-government or poses a national security risk, or that it does not want Chinese people to access.18 However, in addition to protecting domestic information space, countries are engaging in technology protectionism.
Tasha Wibawa writes that, despite calls by global elites to adopt a unified approach to address global issues in science and technology, countries are pursuing independent policies. Domestic economic and security concerns are leading many countries to adopt “…protectionist stance in science, technology
16 “Digital Nationalism.” Academia.edu. Accessed May 9, 2026.
17 “Digital Media.” U.S. Department of Energy. Accessed March 2, 2026.
18 Mihelj, Sabina, and César Jiménez‐Martínez. “Digital Nationalism: Understanding the Role of Digital Media in the Rise of ‘New’ Nationalism.” Nations and Nationalism 27, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 331–46.
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and domestic innovations.”19 In developed countries, governments subsidize technology companies and monopolize or impose barriers to the diffusion of their innovations. The United States is presented as an example, with the government preventing the spread of technologies to countries it deems adversarial, such as China. However, it is argued that China’s rise and the government’s willingness and ability to control information have challenged the notion that the flow of information would educate and empower users. This basically means that what may have worked in the West and elsewhere has not worked in China. “…the Chinese Communist Party and the government successfully use sophisticated censorship and propaganda mechanisms to steer public opinion towards officially sanctioned discourse.”20 Yet, this has only strengthened the states, while nationalistic sentiment has spread and recurs among a small number of users, with discourses on topics such as China’s history with Japan being the most prominent.21 But as political nationalism spreads across a country’s information space, it can be accompanied by ideological nationalism and elements of creation myth.
Creation Myths are ideological and symbolic narratives with cultural significance. They are “any of many ancient stories about how the world began and how the first people were created…a story about how something started.”22 They are “…core narratives found across cultures…,”23 and are “…told by a group of people to explain the origins of the natural world.” Creation myth employs literary techniques such as metaphor and personification to explain24 “…the universe, the Earth, life, and humanity.”25 They
19 Wibawa, Tasha. “Techno-Nationalism.” Edited by Tasha Wibawa, Reece Hooker, Sara Phillips, and Charis Palmer. 360 Info, May 16, 2022.
20 Schneider, Florian. “Introduction to Digital Nationalism.” Politics East Asia, April 29, 2013.
21 Schneider, Florian. “Introduction to Digital Nationalism.” Politics East Asia, April 29, 2013.
22 “Creation Myth.” Cambridge Dictionary. Accessed May 16, 2026.
23 Law, Jon. “What Are Creation Myths in Religious Studies?” Medium, October 15, 2024.
24 EBSCO. “Creation Myth: Religion and Philosophy.” EBSCO. Accessed May 16, 2026.
25 Law, Jon. “What Are Creation Myths in Religious Studies?” Medium, October 15, 2024.
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can relate to parables and other such common lessons taught in many cultures. But let us assume that a unified Sub-Saharan African nation is named The Absolute Union of the United Tribes of the Ancestral Land of Bantu (TAUUTALB). In this case, the name alone has an element of creation myth; the union is absolute, sacred, once-divided tribes and people are now united, in a land that now honors its ancestors, particularly the “Bantu Migration,” which occurred thousands of years ago.26 Africa’s experiences with the Trans-Atlantic slave Trade could be utilized as a creation myth, and doing so would mean creating and spreading a narrative through an independent media.27 Today, human trafficking is a problem for African societies, with Eritrea, Somalia, Ethiopia, Sudan, Kenya, and Uganda having “…high number of illegal immigrants whose lack of proper documentation renders them vulnerable to human trafficking.” Also, “Children, immigrants, refugees, asylum seekers, displaced people, unemployed youth, and women are smuggled through Libya, Egypt then to Europe and beyond.”28 Many would die during the journey, and there are those who would equate this journey with the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, which in itself was human trafficking by an epic proportion. It is said that between “1501 and 1867, nearly 13 million African people were kidnapped, forced onto European and American ships, and trafficked across the Atlantic Ocean to be enslaved.”29 Almost two million would perish during what is known as the Middle Passage.30 In succeeding decades, Europeans would commence imperialism and colonialism which impact Africa today. Bob Koigi writes that “From the 7th century and over 13 centuries, between 10 and
26 Choudhury, Ananyo, Dhriti Sengupta, Michele Ramsay, and Carina Schlebusch. “Bantu-Speaker Migration and Admixture in Southern Africa.” Human Molecular Genetics, December 24, 2020.
27 Acjps. “A Brief on Human Trafficking in the East and Horn of Africa.” African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, August 4, 2022.
28 Acjps. “A Brief on Human Trafficking in the East and Horn of Africa.” African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, August 4, 2022.
29 “The Transatlantic Slave Trade.” Equal Justice Initiative Reports, February 22, 2023.
30 “The Transatlantic Slave Trade.” Equal Justice Initiative Reports, February 22, 2023.
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18 million Africans were trafficked through the Sahara and the Indian Ocean to the Arab world.”31 Therefore, as a creation myth, the TAUUTALB can market itself to its citizens and the world, in honor of those Africans who perished or made their middle passages (whether during the Trans-Atlantic or Arab Slave Trade), that it will not tolerate slavey or human trafficking in any form, and especially when its own citizens are the victims. In this case, the country must impose harsh punishment on perpetrators. However, to prevent trafficking and to make leaving the country unnecessary, rapid industrialization and development must be conducted to serve the people and effectively fight against foreign entities.
Both ideological nationalism and creation myth are evident in a speech delivered by United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio at the Munich Security Conference. Rubio praised colonialism and imperialism, called for the reorientation of the U.S.-European alliance, and commanded the West not to be ashamed of its brutal past, or the “purported sins of past generations.” Many in the MAGA and far-right camp received this message with open arms. Secretary Rubio spoke: “United States of America will once again take on the task of renewal and restoration, driven by a vision of a future as proud, as sovereign, and as vital as our civilization’s past…we do not want our allies to be shackled by guilt and shame.” We want them to be “…proud of their culture and of their heritage…we are heirs to the same great and noble civilization…”32 In this case, I would dare ask: defend this ‘great and noble civilization’ from whom? Who are the enemies, what do they want, and how are they threatening “Western civilization”? This rhetoric does sound poetic, yet, it can have far-reaching implications.
Secretary Rubio added, “We are part of one civilization – Western civilization. We are bound to one another by the deepest bonds that nations could share, forged by centuries of shared history, Christian
31 Koigi, Bob. “The Forgotten Arab Slave Trade.” Development and Cooperation, October 27, 2024.
32 Rubio, Marco. “Secretary of State Marco Rubio at the Munich Security Conference.” U.S. Department of State, February 14, 2026.
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faith, culture, heritage, language, ancestry, and the sacrifices our forefathers made…”33 Rubio called for the creation of a “…Western supply chain for critical minerals not vulnerable to extortion from other powers [China]; and a unified effort to compete for market share in the economies of the Global South.” He continues, “The great Western empires had entered into terminal decline, accelerated by godless communist revolutions and by anti-colonial uprisings…”34 There are some racial undertones, narcissistic, aggressive, and predatory elements to what Rubio said in this speech. However, the leadership of Global South countries having suffered from European brutality still made no comment or compelled him to clarify his words. Yet, what seemed menacing was the European audience at the conference, showering him with ovations as he glorified and called for pride in the over 500 years of European brutality upon the Global South. Nonetheless, this “godless communist revolution” and “anti-colonial uprising”35 references seem to equate communism with anti-religion, and anti-colonial uprising as bad, for the West, and must be overturned. Therefore, as Africans, must we consider the possibility that Marco Rubia and higher-ranking members of the Western circle of elites and policymakers are nostalgic and may usher in a new wave of colonialism and imperialism? Western political and military elites are boldly calling for a Western colonial reboot, and Africans should take them seriously.
Erik Dean Prince, founder of private military contractor Blackwater, and brother of former U.S. Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos, commented in 2024 that the West should recolonize Africa. He spoke during one interview, “It is time for us to just put the imperial hat back on…cause enough is enough, we’re done being invaded…You can say that about pretty much all of Africa; they’re incapable
33 Rubio, Marco. “Secretary of State Marco Rubio at the Munich Security Conference.” U.S. Department of State, February 14, 2026.
34 Rubio, Marco. “Secretary of State Marco Rubio at the Munich Security Conference.” U.S. Department of State, February 14, 2026.
35 Rubio, Marco. “Secretary of State Marco Rubio at the Munich Security Conference.” U.S. Department of State, February 14, 2026.
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of governing themselves.” What is problematic about this statement is that it is quite racist, Darwinian, and echoes beliefs about African inferiority that Europeans have expressed for centuries. Eric Prince is a businessman pushing a colonial, imperialist perspective, as Europeans had done in the past, sending their military to distant lands where they brutalized natives. In terms of Africans not being able to govern themselves and the corruption of African elites, Mr. Prince neglected to add that these same elites are enabled by Western government and institutions and are only called out when convenient. As for the African invasion of the United States, Mr. Prince dangerously spread misinformation. Migration Policy Institute (MPI) has it that as of 2024, there are “…2.5 million immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa” in the United States, accounting for “5 percent of all 50.2 million U.S. immigrants in 2024.”36 Despite Erik Prince’s rhetoric, this demonstrates that there is no invasion taking place. In fact, despite Africa’s misfortune, corruption, and incapabilities, which he and so many others often cite, and in reference to Sub-Saharan Africa’s 1.29 billion people as of 2024, the region’s population is highly underrepresented in the United States. However, Erik Prince’s statement makes it imperative that Africans (the people who fall victim to the worst cases of European imperial and colonial atrocities) may want to begin to ask: where do they fit in this new world of dominance that the West wants to reestablish? Such a question could lead uncompromised African thinkers to develop a Plan B solution that addresses the simple question: How to prevent this or defend ourselves, should colonialism and imperialism return? The answer then would be to unify. But what is the general solution for countering Western and foreign information surge and saturation that may pose a threat to African nationalism, and is that important?
While in a discussion with a good friend, we concluded that a unified Sub-Saharan nation, TAUUTALB, must create a telecommunications union among the states and a domestic information system. In this case, TAUUTALB must create an “African Standard” for internet and telecommunication,
36 Rutland, Allison, and Jeanne Batalova. “Sub-Saharan African Immigrants in the United States.” Migration Policy Institute, October 16, 2025.
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based on African geography and frequency. This system, being domestic, can include or exclude any foreign systems or institutions based on their willingness to pay a participation fee, include our people in their operation, store data in the country, and provide access to data upon the government’s request. In this case, the system would require the production of devices (cell phones) that conform to the domestic standard and compel outside institutions to accept our policy to operate in the country and territories. TAUUTALB must create these platforms quickly, improve them to become better alternatives, or at least make them functionally similar in application to global platforms such as Facebook, YouTube, Instagram, and even search engines like Google. In China they use Baidu and in South Korea they use Naver.
Creating domestic African search engine will necessitate collecting, organizing, and storing data. However, in the initial stages, we may have to concentrate primarily on data for domestic use and later add those vital to knowing and interacting with the rest of the world. Once again, this makes China a better case study. For instance, in the early 2000s, the fear that Facebook “…could be used to organize anti-government protests” led the Chinese government to block the platform. In 2021, reporter Selina Cheng reported that Facebook refused 202 requests by the Hong Kong authority for access to its data.37 However, it is said that in recent years Facebook has worked with the Chinese government to regain access to the country’s social media market.38 However, this demonstrates the importance of data storage, which is vital in this information age; Africa is currently not in the race, and could fall prey to data colonialism. Paul Goode writes that ‘“the under-representation of geographic areas such as Africa, South and Central America and Central Asia indicate that global regions are not participating equally in the AI ethics debate…”’ which confirms that ‘“…global power imbalances in the development and discourse of
37 Cheng, Selina. “Facebook Refused All 202 Hong Kong Gov’t User Data Requests since Onset of Security Law.” Hong Kong Free Press HKFP, June 8, 2021.
38 Dance, Gabriel J. X., and Michael LaForgia. “Facebook Gave Data Access to Chinese Firm Flagged by U.S. Intelligence.” The New York Times, June 5, 2018.
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AI.”’39 This imbalance could negatively impact the political and economic arenas where countries could be forced to make concessions that may hinder their domestic growth and negatively impact the development of their AI nationalism. It is only through unity that Africa can effectively address this.
In this paper, I illustrate how the historical experiences of Africans are linked to our contemporary reality, and how the zeitgeist of the present could necessitate unity rooted in nationalism. For Africa to become prosperous, achieve primacy (perhaps not globally but within its own sphere), control its resources to serve its people, and be technologically and militarily strong enough to defend itself, there must be unity grounded in diverse forces, including populism and nationalism. Unification, especially in the national and general sense may be situational and based on ethnicity and cultural heritage. In this essay, I discuss general nationalism and other kinds, such as information nationalism (AI, digital and ideological), cultural nationalism (language), and most importantly, political nationalism (pan-nationalism, militarization). But how can nationalism unify Africa, and what factors must be in place to achieve African unity? Unification is perhaps the only thing that would make Sub-Saharan Africa strong enough to defend itself, because it would eliminate the current national divide Africans are facing. By unifying, Sub-Saharans would force the rest of the world to deal with this unified entity as a single force with significant resources. There are those who would argue that Sub-Sahara focuses on its current political dynamic and goes the route of regional blocs, like ECOWAS, East African Community (EAC), or the European Union (EU). To that, I would argue that they would be susceptible to outside manipulation. Even the African Union today, the continent’s governing body, is weak and ineffective. This is evident in its position on the current war between Israel and the United States against Iran.
39 Goode, J Paul. “Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Nationalism.” Nations and Nationalism 27, no. 2 (December 23, 2021): 363–76.
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In an article, Dr Wafula Okumu presents the African Union as a toothless tiger and an inconsistent actor. The AU, as he puts it, does not uphold its responsibilities as described in its constitution in a fair and rightful manner, and is selective in its approach to and statements about events. Dr Wafula Okumu commented on the AU’s position on Iran’s retaliation against joint US-Israel attack,
The AU’s bifurcated response…a vaguely worded initial statement on the invasion followed by a sharp condemnation of Iran’s reaction—has ignited a difficult but necessary debate: is the Union a consistent defender of international law, or is it succumbing to the very practice of ‘selective Charterism’ it has long criticized in others?40
The African Union did not express solidarity with Iran. Yet, it condemned Iran when it retaliated against Israel, the United States, and several Gulf countries. Dr. Okumu states that “Global instability, whether in Eastern Europe or the Middle East, directly impacts African economies, maritime security, and food systems.”41 Yet, the African Union has not issued a direct, non-diplomatic statement that establishes a clear record. He also writes what many Africans, domestic and abroad, are thinking, that “The question, therefore, is not whether the AU should speak, but whether it speaks with the disciplined legal consistency that its own history, recent experience, and principles demand.”42
For Sub-Saharan Africa to unify, and after unification, certain things must be in place. Therefore, the question here is: What does a prospective or newly created country need to survive? An answer to this question would require two categories: international and domestic. International experts believe that four facets are necessary: “a people, a territory, a government, and the ability to conduct relations with other
40 Okumu, Wafula. “The African Union’s Crisis of Consistency: A Test of Principled Leadership.” Amani Africa, March 4, 2026.
41 Okumu, Wafula. “The African Union’s Crisis of Consistency: A Test of Principled Leadership.” Amani Africa, March 4, 2026.
42 Okumu, Wafula. “The African Union’s Crisis of Consistency: A Test of Principled Leadership.” Amani Africa, March 4, 2026.
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states on a sovereign basis.” This is translated into recognition from geopolitical forces, legal barriers, political autonomy to conduct its business, and powerful friends to help with several things,43 including funding its effort, securing its vote in international organizations, protecting its coast and airspace, etc. Domestically, for that country, several factors are vital and can also have international implications. They are 1) control of information and narrative and prevent the saturation of counter narrative into its’s information space, especially from foreign entities, 2) achieving food security, 3) having access to, or control of natural resources to sell to generate income, 4) a dedicated army of writers, artists, musicians, and famous people to promote the cause, 5) a strong and unified government with leaders dedicated to the cause 6) an army and a dedicated citizenry ready to fight to achieve or maintain unification, 7) having a common national and domestic strategy or policy, 8) integration of all domestic forces that constitute national identity, 9) common language or the promotion of a vernacular culture, 10) water management and distribution system for agriculture, construction, and other domestic use, 11) making a large investment in infrastructure, 12) promoting a fast pace militarization and the acquisition of military technologies vital to national security. However, in terms of Sub-Saharan unity, are there any benefits or advantages of uniting, and what are they?
There are several benefits and advantages of African unity. For instance, a unified Sub-Saharan African nation, TAUUTALB, could be a global force, given factors such as size, the availability of natural resources, and population dynamics. Africa is about 1.8 times the size of Russia and 3.1 times the size of the United States.44 However, Sub-Saharan Africa covers about 22.4 million km². Therefore, this would mean that Sub-Saharan Africa, TAUUTALB, would be about 1.4 times the size of Russia and 2.5 times the size of the United States.45 This would automatically mean that TAUUTALB is the largest
43 BBC World Service. “How Do You Start a Country?” BBC News, October 10, 2017.
44 “Africa Population (1950-2026).” Worldometer. Accessed April 20, 2026.
45 “Sub-Saharan Africa Population 2026.” World Population Review, May 7, 2026.
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country in the world (in terms of land mass), with about, “…15.05% of the world’s land area, along with 15.72% of the world’s current population.”46 As of April 2026, Africa’s population is about 1,576,945,305, comprising about 19.09% of the world’s total,47 and it is projected to increase exponentially to nearly 2.5 billion by 2050.48 Today, “Africa has the youngest population in the world, with 70% of sub-Saharan Africa under the age of 30.”49 About 45.6% of the continent, roughly 722,046,585, is urban with a median age of 19.5 years.50 The vast majority of this data is represented in Sub-Saharan Africa. In terms of population, TAUUTALB would become the third largest in the world, totaling 1.29 billion as of 2024, increasing by 1.06 billion since 1960.51 Zainab Ayodimeji writes that “Agriculture makes up nearly 20% of Sub-Saharan Africa’s economy…the continent is home to 60% of the world’s uncultivated arable land.”52 Yet, sadly, there are about 438 million Africans living in extreme poverty. Unification will bring strength and enable TAUUTALB to negotiate effectively with global institutions and to compare favorably with the current situations facing smaller and weak countries. But what role could Nigeria play in Sub-Saharan Unification and why?
Nigeria, like many countries today, has flaws, corruption (which is a global phenomenon), youth unemployment, fuel shortages despite being an oil producer,53 and share with the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 23% of the world’s total population living in extreme poverty. In addition, the country faces
46 “Sub-Saharan Africa Population 2026.” World Population Review, May 7, 2026.
47 “Africa Population (1950-2026).” Worldometer. Accessed April 20, 2026.
48 Dierks, Zeynep. “Forecast of the Total Population of Africa from 2020 to 2050 (in Millions).” Statista, January 26, 2026.
49 “Young People’s Potential, the Key to Africa’s Sustainable Development.” United Nations. Accessed May 17, 2026.
50 “Africa Population (1950-2026).” Worldometer. Accessed April 20, 2026.
51 Statista Research Department, “Total Population in Sub-Saharan Africa from 1960 to 2024 (in Millions).” Statista, March 25, 2026.
52 Ayodimeji, Zainab. “What Are the Most-Produced Cash Crops in Africa?” FAO, 2022.
53 Dzirutwe, Macdonald. “Jet Fuel Crisis: A Boon for Nigeria’s Dangote, but Not for Local Airlines.” Reuters, April 27, 2026.
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radical “Islamic” terrorists in its northern territories,54 Boko Haram, which gained “…international notoriety following its abduction of 276 girls from the town of Chibok, Nigeria…” in 2014, the Christian-Muslim divide, and a separatist movement in the Delta region. However, Nigeria has cultivated a level of respect and prominence in the African world that a divided Nigeria cannot carry. Therefore, for both Nigeria and Africa’s security, Nigeria must remain united as it is and later unite with other Sub-Saharan African countries. Nigeria is vital to contemporary African politics, and possibly far more so in African nationalism and the unification of Sub-Saharan Africa. For starters, Nigeria has a large population, ranging from 225 to 242 million, which is projected to reach “400 million by 2050.”55 Such a large population, if supported by a strong industrial economy, robust education, and a robust job market, could be a boom for Nigeria and TAUUTALB, bringing financial benefits to market forces and national glory. However, without development, it could spell doom for West Africa and the continent, especially given the political grievances that could lead to future destabilization. It is evident in the current economic situation in the country, the result of the war in the Middle East. Due to its symbolic position in African politics, the scale and sophistication of its population (including a diaspora of 372,710 in the U.S. alone),56 Sub-Saharans must be unified with Nigeria. In addition to the reasons presented above, I would add the importance of regional security and the prevention of xenophobia,57 as seen in South Africa today. In terms of regional Security, we currently observe instability in Nigeria due to the tension between Christians and Muslims, mentioned earlier, and the continuous calls in the Southeast for separation. Should separatist fervor continue and succeed, it could lead to the disintegration of Nigeria, and possibly civil war, which could spell chaos for West Africa and Africa. Not only could we see radical movements
54 Center for Preventive Action. “Violent Extremism in The Sahel.” Council on Foreign Relations, May 5, 2026.
55 Bureau of African Affairs. “U.S. Relations With Nigeria.” U.S. Department of State, December 19, 2019.
56 “Nigeria: Immigrant Stories.” Institute for Immigration Research. Accessed May 17, 2026.
57 Nilutpal Timsina, Nilutpal. “African Countries Warn Citizens of Xenophobic Attacks in South Africa.” Reuters, May 7, 2026.
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and terrorism spread, but an African world without Nigeria’s unity (despite its flaws) and leadership could be problematic for stability and even regional and continental unity. Over the decades, Nigeria has made significant contributions to global and West African regional peace and security, including through troops and financial support, as well as other types of “human and material resources.” It is said that this West African and African giant, “big brother, big sister,” Nigeria, “…contributed more than 200,000 peacekeepers to 41 UN missions worldwide” and invested over $9 billion in helping to resolve the civil crises in both Liberia and Sierra Leone.58 However, one important thing to consider is that an unstable Nigeria, which results in civil unrest in the country, could send tens of millions of Nigerian refugees into neighboring countries.
Now, African countries and population, despite the current wave of Pan-Africanism spreading throughout the continent and its diaspora, have not been socialized in an organized fashion to love and respect one another as Africans. That, in addition to the fact that Nigerians are “go-getters” who often strive for success, and often do succeed, tens of thousands of Nigerians or even one million in each African country, could overwhelm domestic infrastructure, economy, social, language, and other situations for natives, which could prompt jealousy and xenophobia and therefore destroy African Unity. If we must take South Africa as an example, it is necessary to consider the idea that the attack on black Africans in the country could happen in any other country. “Migrant rights groups say they are being scapegoated by South Africans who blame them for the country’s economic problems, namely high unemployment which hovers at over 30% and disproportionately affects the Black population.”59 Recently, we have witnessed black Africans being attacked in South Africa, which has prompted other Africans to demand that migrant Africans leave their country. This will not help these countries and will
58 Imoh, Robert. “Nigeria Contributed over $9 Billion for Liberia and Sierra Leone Peace Missions – Brig.-Gen. Koleoso.” Freedom Online, May 12, 2026.
59 Nilutpal Timsina, Nilutpal. “African Countries Warn Citizens of Xenophobic Attacks in South Africa.” Reuters, May 7, 2026.
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destroy Black African unity. This could be the case in North Africa, where many have a radical perspective of Black Africans. Therefore, the solution must be the unification of Sub-Saharan countries with Nigeria, which brings me to cultural contribution.
Many Black Africans immigrant in the United States have a story of their experiences with racism, disrespect, or being talked down to with stereotypes of Africa being poor, corrupt, underdeveloped, and backward in multiple ways. During my early years in the United States, when Americans expressed stereotypical views of Africa, we highlighted the economic, social, and cultural developments in countries such as Ghana, Kenya, Ethiopia, South Africa, Senegal, and Nigeria to counter their insults. This was also reinforced by the significant representation of Nigerian talent across various professional fields, including employment, research, technical, and medical fields, in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere. Woods writes that “The key agents of cultural nationalism are intellectuals and artists, who seek to convey their vision of the nation to the wider community.”60 Therefore, given the importance of information (including visual) these days, I would add actors, musicians, social media influencers, etc. In almost every case, Nigeria’s Afrobeat and its movie industry, Nollywood, did not fail to help our argument countering stereotypes, with movies that highlight African humor and ingenuity, despite their low film quality. At a time when even Hollywood was becoming repetitive in its storytelling, Nigeria’s Nollywood was beginning to stand out, and Nigerian youth at home and abroad were excelling, demonstrating the glory of their country, which all Black Africans continue to claim as African. The Nigerian film industry, Nollywood, is now the second-largest movie industry globally, in terms of output, second only to India’s Bollywood, producing about 2,500 films annually.61 The fact that Nollywood has passed Hollywood is a milestone, and the industry has even secured a space in the Netflix universe.
60 Woods, Eric Taylor. “Cultural Nationalism.” The State of Nationalism Cultural Nationalism Comments, 2015.
61 Maio, Alyssa. “What Is Nollywood and How Did It Become the 2nd Largest Film Industry?” Studio Binder, December 5, 2019.
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Afrobeat and Nollywood are the leaders of Nigeria’s entertainment industry and account for about $10.8 billion in revenue.62 These genres are popular globally and throughout the African diaspora. The global reach of Afrobeat and Nollywood as information and entertainment genres should be leveraged by the government of TAUUTALB to disseminate nationalistic information, ideology, and even creation myth narratives to the populace and garner sympathetic support worldwide. This may include discussing African history and culture, which were suppressed under colonialism; economic and financial issues; the lack of organization; and current situations on the continent.
There are too many factors, such as tribalism, regionalism, and language barriers, which could make a unified Sub-Saharan Africa impossible. Even Nigeria, on which unification should be centered, is unstable and fragmented. Also, many would point to disparities within institutions such as the European Union as evidence that African integration or unity would not work. While they may be right, it is necessary to consider the differences between European and African contexts to understand why African unification is important and must work. Author and historian, Gerald Horne often stresses that, to increase the numbers and effectively subdue the natives and the Africans, colonial European groups who would have been fighting one another in Europe automatically became white in America. Therefore, I propose that all Africans must become Nigerians in numerous ways to unify Sub-Saharan Africa. Ahjamu Umi stresses that African nationalism is different from European nationalism due to historical differences and ethnic and cultural grievances, chauvinism, etc., which have led to many conflicts in Europe and to people mistreating others. He stresses that Africans and other people around the world should use nationalism to unify themselves based on socialist development rather than the “Chauvinistic” mindset of Europe. He is saying that nationalism in the African context is not merely people coming together, but rather people engaging in an organized fight against colonialism. In citing Sakou Ture, Omi writes that Africans
62 International Trade Administration. “Nigeria – Media and Entertainment.” International Trade Administration, Trade.gov, September 8, 2025.
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“countries” were “created for the benefit of Europe without regard for Africa’s ethnic reality, are not countries, but states. As a result, colonialism works against African freedom and self-determination…the only solution for Africa to correct this problem is the unification of Africa (under one continental socialist government).”63 Omi writes that “One unified socialist Africa is viable and feasible, and the pathway towards true independence and self-determination for Africa…And once that socialist entity is created it clears the way for Africa to make its contribution to worldwide communism.”64
I will conclude by repeating the questions, 1) What does contemporary African nationalism mean or look like? 2) What experiences (past and present), and how does the reality of our interconnected, yet fragile and predatory global order necessitate it? 3) How can we conceptualize African experiences under information nationalism to create a new, unified cultural and national identity through a creation myth centered on “big brother, big sister” countries such as Nigeria? Contemporary African nationalism is rooted in historical experiences, such as the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, the Arab Slave Trade of East Africa, colonialism, imperialism, continuous civil conflicts, racism, economic and financial downturn, tribalism, lack of development, etc. African nationalism takes various forms: our belonging to a tribal or ethnic nation, our belonging to any of the current 54 countries and territories, regionalism, religious affiliation, language similarity or barriers, Arab or North African nationalism, Pan-Africanism, Black Nationalism (inclusive of the diaspora), White Afrikaner nationalism in South Africa, AI and digital, ideological, economic nationalism, etc. There are numerous factors that many argue continue to hinder Africa’s ability to unify, stabilize, industrialize, and catch up with the modern world. Yet, Sub-Saharan Africa must form a unified cultural, ethnic, and national identity centered on Nigeria because of its uniqueness and symbolic position in Africa.
63 Umi, Ahjamu. “African Nationalism Is Not European Nationalism. Stop Projecting.” Hood Communist, March 17, 2022.
64 Umi, Ahjamu. “African Nationalism Is Not European Nationalism. Stop Projecting.” Hood Communist, March 17, 2022.
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